Five years on from Covid we should bury lockdowns, not praise them

Modern Britain is full of anniversaries (many say it is too full). Few anniversaries are as grim as the fifth anniversary of the first Covid lockdown, memorably announced by Prime Minister Boris Johnson on live TV on March 23rd 2020, five years ago this week.

This anniversary is not a time for warm nostalgia, but traumatic flashbacks. Johnson’s announcement coincided, almost precisely, with the Spring equinox. I can remember musing that the lockdown may be over by Easter, then only three weeks away. How wrong we all were. April was indeed the cruellest month.

Covid was a disaster in public health terms, and a social and economic catastrophe, with very few silver linings. Politically, the pandemic may have had some therapeutic value, reminding people of the importance of the state, and the  generous public spending to pay for treatment of the infected, fund the hunt for a vaccine, and pay for the furlough and business support schemes that compensated millions of people who lost some or all of their livelihoods. But this is outweighed by the economic havoc, the long-term damage to physical and mental health, as well as the temporary misery of not being able to go out, or to meet friends and family. The pandemic did not even bequeath a positive cultural legacy. The double act of David Tennant and Michael Sheen in Staged, Sophie Ellis-Bextor’s kitchen disco, and live streaming of performances from shuttered theatres and concert halls, were all profoundly unfunny, uninspiring and depressing. Almost all the other communal activities set up to cheer us up – online fancy dress parties, socially distanced picnics, virtual pub quizzes – left most people, me included, feeling thoroughly miserable.

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Jim Scouse: how a mysterious housemaster embodied good diplomacy

The International Centre, Sevenoaks School, in autumn 1990 (above) and autumn 1991 (below). In both photos Jim Scouse (in glasses) is in the front row, just to the right of the Winter family, and yours truly is in the middle row, second from the right end (wearing John Lennon-style specs).

I was sorry to hear last month that my old housemaster had died. That’s a very English sentence, and a very class-bound one. Anyone who’s been to an English boarding school will immediately know what I mean, but others may not have a clue what I am on about.

The housemaster was a man called Jim Scouse, and this is really a global story, not just about an English housemaster, who had a lot to teach me and others. It’s a story about globalism, and the part a particular brand of Englishness can play in it.

The house was the International Centre (IC), for sixth form boys, most of them from overseas, at Sevenoaks School in Kent. When I arrived at the IC as a 16-year-old in September 1990 it still had an unmistakable whiff of 1960s idealism about it. One of its early housemasters had been a man called Jonty Driver, a former president of the National Union of South African Students who had been detained without trial, in solitary confinement, for suspected involvement in the African Resistance Movement. I never met Driver, but felt that he still watched over us. In the early 1990s House photos, with a glamourous Driver and his wife, still lined its walls, 20 years after he had moved on. Driver was already a legend, and stories of him as a polymath, anti-Apartheid hero, poet and all-round good egg were still handed down.

It dawned on us that the IC was a special place: not just any old public school boarding house, but somewhere where independence of mind was valued. The house was ultimately run by its housemaster and tutor, of course, but much of the day-to-day discipline was overseen not by appointed prefects, but by a chairman and committee, elected by the boys every half term (I never made chairman, but I did serve as washing-up co-ordinator in my first term).

I was one of a few token Brits in an intake of 25 16-year-olds from all around the world. I certainly wasn’t there as a role model: in my late teens I was a bit of a wally (many would say I still am). This wasn’t the United Nations: more a cross-section of the global elite (the Sudanese guy in my year was the son of the general manager of Khartoum Airport), most of us doing the International Baccalaureate, and a few of us A-Levels, before going on to good universities in Britain, Europe or America. There were some other Brits, but unlike me most of them were the sons of expats who’d spent their childhoods abroad. There were some self-confident Germans and Dutchmen with names like Maximilian, Sebastian and Michael. But many of the others were slightly lost: boys from countries as far afield as Malaysia, Lesotho, Mexico, Canada, Kenya, Japan, Brazil, Egypt, Czechoslovakia, and Norway. They might have struggled to fit in at an English school which valued academic rigour, and in which few allowances were made for those who did not speak English as a first language (or in some cases, even as a second). That they thrived was in large part down to Jim Scouse.

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The forgotten casualties of this election? The LGBT+ MPs who won’t be coming back

Who knows what will happen at tomorrow’s election. Labour is, as always, wary of predictions of a huge landslide. Many Tory candidates seeking re-election are clinging to the hope that their incumbency, and a swing to Labour and Lib Dems that may fall below expectations, will save them. But whatever the scale of Labour’s victory, a large contingent will be missing on the green benches when parliament returns on Tuesday 9 July: the many, many LGBT MPs who have not sought re-election, or who will lose their seats.

The website LGBT+ MPs in Parliament lists the 65 MPs in the 2019-2024 parliament who were generally known to be LGBT: exactly 10% of the UK’s 650 MPs, and broadly in line with census data, which suggests that 10 or 11% of the UK’s population identify as something other than heterosexual. Many MPs won’t publicly state their sexuality, either out of a general preference for privacy, fear of homophobia, or other factors. There is no reason why any MP should be obliged to out themselves (or be outed against their will, unless they have hypocritically backed homophobic legislation). Some may have not come out of the closet for the simple reason that they have not yet outed themselves to their own families. As recently as 2010 the-then Lib Dem MP  David Laws was caught in the expenses scandal for the simple reason that he had been frightened to tell his own mother he was gay, and that he was cohabiting in London with a male partner.

Sixty-five LGBT MPs may be an under-estimate. But let’s assume for a minute that the “LGBT+ MPs in Parliament” list is accurate and comprehensive. Of those 65 MPs, some 14 – almost 22% – are not seeking re-election in 2024. This a slightly higher retirement rate than for MPs overall (of the UK’s 650 MPs, some 132 – just over 20% – are not seeking re-election). And at least 20 of the 51 LGBT MPs who are seeking-election (most of them Tory or SNP candidates) are very likely to lose their seats.

It is almost certain that fewer than half of the 65 LGBT MPs who served in the 2019-2024 parliament will be serving in the next one. If the Tories and SNP have a particularly bad night tomorrow, and all their LGBT MPs seeking re-election are unsuccessful, fewer than 25 of these 65 (most of them Labour) will return to the Commons on July 9th. As many as 40 LGBT MPs will have either stood down or been defeated.

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Baby Boomers are reaching the end of their lifespans. Watch out, Gen Xers: we’re next

This blog took a sabbatical in 2023 (during which I was fully occupied writing my new book about the 1960s spy John Vassall), but normal service now resumes, with my thoughts on all those we have lost in the last 12 months.

What do Benjamin Zephaniah, Alistair Darling, Camila Batmanghelidjh, Haydyn Gwynne, Martin Amis, Tom Wilkinson and Jane Birkin all have in common? Correct: all were famous people who have died in the last year. Another thing they had in common? All were “Baby Boomers” who died in their sixties or early to mid-seventies, before their time.

All were born well after – in some cases two decades after – the end of World War Two. All of them were – or seemed to be  – still in productive middle age, not their dotage. They did not seem ready to go, and their loss hits the national psyche hard.

Even eight years on, the death of David Bowie in 2016 still haunts many of his fans. Although Bowie was not particularly young (he turned 69 two days before his death) and had been ill for some time, he was not supposed to die. He was a quintessential – if not the quintessential – British Baby Boomer. Unlike the slightly older Beatles and Rolling Stones (all of whom, apart from Ronnie Wood, were born during the war rather than after it), Bowie was never firmly heterosexual, and migrated easily between musical genres. Crucially he never really seemed to age. Until one day his death was announced.

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Now the mourning rituals are over, it’s time for what the monarchy does best: inventing new traditions

For once, politicians started the hagiography and the media followed, not the other way around.

Queen Elizabeth II was “one of the greatest leaders the world has even known”, said Liz Truss, as she led tributes to the late sovereign in the Commons. John McFall, speaker of the House of Lords, said that he “greatly admired her thoroughly modern approach to communications. She thrived in the television and radio era from the very outset of her reign, and did more than any other monarch to open up the royal family to embrace the outside world”: quite a verdict on a woman who never gave a media interview, and never knowingly expressed a public opinion on anything,other than her love of horses and dogs. Lindsey Hoyle, the Commons speaker, even said that the Queen’s funeral would be “the most important event the world will ever see”.

When Elizabeth acceded to the throne in 1952, opined Harriet Harman, “she stepped up, as a 25-year-old married woman with two children, to take her place at the head of this nation and play a huge role on the world stage. What determination and courage that must have taken. The Prime Ministers she dealt with were mostly men, and mostly twice her age.” Harman spoke of the late Queen as if she was a hard-pressed single mother in her Peckham constituency, not a monarch.

Almost everyone has described the Queen’s 70-year reign as a uniquely difficult burden, bravely borne. But many women of her generation have had far worse burdens, some of them enduring for seven decades or more. Caring for a disabled child, or living with a chronic health problem of their own. Miserable and inescapable marriages. Childhood traumas that lingered well into old age. In most cases these afflictions would have been borne without a range of palaces to move between, and without a sovereign grant.

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Liz Truss can be beaten. I should know: I’ve defeated her twice

Liz Truss’s election address in Blackheath Westcombe ward, London Borough of Greenwich, 2002

As I write, the field of candidates is being whittled down. It is Rishi Sunak’s contest to lose, and the best-placed “Stop Rishi” candidates, according to Westminster consensus, are Penny Mordaunt and Liz Truss. Tugendhat and Kemi Badenoch have caught much attention, but they are unlikely to make it the final run-off. Nor are Zahawi, Hunt, or Braverman. Although the momentum today seems to be with Mordaunt, after a slick campaign launch this morning, it could well be Truss and Sunak on the ballot paper that goes out to Conservative party members. An MP since 2010 – five years before Sunak arrived in parliament – Truss has been courting party members up and down Britain for more than a decade. Many expect she may become Britain’s next Prime Minister.

Can she be defeated at the next general election? Most definitely she can. I should know: I have defeated her twice in elections for public office. Long before she became an MP, Truss and I stood against each other at council elections in the London Borough of Greenwich (in the safeish Labour Vanbrugh ward in 1998, and in the ultra-marginal Blackheath Westcombe ward in 2002).

On both occasions I was elected, and Liz Truss wasn’t. I won 500 more votes than Truss at our first encounter in May 1998, and 400 more votes than her in 2002. I became a Labour councillor in Greenwich, serving for 16 years until I stepped down in 2014, and Truss didn’t join me in the council chamber until 2006. I am now a freelance writer, living happily well away from Greenwich, and Westminster, while Liz Truss is foreign secretary, and may be about to become our prime minister.

The head start I had over Truss clearly gave me no advantage. Being a councillor in Greenwich turned out to be the peak of my political career. But for Truss it was merely a stepping-stone to selection in a safe parliamentary seat (South-West Norfolk), and then ministerial office. What does Truss’s time in Greenwich tell us about her, and her strengths and weaknesses as a politician? Much has been said about Truss’s early years as a young Lib Dem activist in the 1990s, and about her career in Westminster from 2010 onwards. Much less has been said about the intervening years, in which she lived in Greenwich and stood for election there three times.

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Inside the echo chamber: the nasty side of Facebook’s traffic jam groups

In 2019 the New Statesman reported how local history groups on Facebook – normally innocent networks where older people swap yellowing photographs and reminiscence about the good old days – have a darker side, sometimes acting as a magnet for racists posting abuse against immigrants, the Left and the “political elite”. The Guardian reports that a Facebook group for people buying and selling small plots of land has been taken over by Far-Right “Supporters of free speech against Big Tech Fascism.” The same now seems to be happening to Facebook groups formed to discuss equally innocuous matters: bus lanes, cycle routes and road closures in south-east London.  

A few months ago, for reasons that are unclear, I was invited by an old acquaintance to join a private Facebook group named Greenwich Road Closures. It’s six years since I moved out of Greenwich (a London borough I was a Labour councillor in from 1998 to 2014) and I now live 70 miles away. But I still have close links to the place: my Mum and Dad, and many friends, live there and I rarely turn down a chance to keep myself posted on what’s going on. I naively thought the forum might be a place for civilised debate about the pros and cons of Low Traffic Networks (LTN) measures in Greenwich to impede rat runs, increase space for pedestrians, and open new cycle lanes.

Instead, it soon became clear the group is dominated by conspiracy theorists, keyboard warriors and trolls. Car ownership may be falling in Greenwich, as in many other boroughs, as public opinion is shifting towards the need to restrict the use of the private car to avoid gridlock and help to halt climate change. But there are still clearly many angry motorists out there, for whom traffic jams are always the fault of someone else – mostly politicians. Road rage, plus lockdown cabin fever, are a potent mix.

It’s undeniable that there have been traffic problems in Greenwich since August 2020, thanks to the conjunction of three new schemes: a ‘Hills and Vales’ road closure programme to the west of Greenwich Park, the closure of the road through the park itself, and the completion of a new cycle lane, Cycleway 4, eastwards from Greenwich to Woolwich. But the traffic jams also resulted from many other factors: unscheduled Blackwall Tunnel closures caused by breakdowns, only one of two boats operating on the Woolwich Ferry because of problems with the vessels’ mooring equipment, and more people commuting by car for fear of catching Covid on public transport.

All these factors now seem to be ammunition in a new kind of culture war. Warning: much of the language that follows is not for the faint-hearted.  

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Why ‘One Too Many’ is 2020’s worst buzzword

“Every death of someone sleeping rough on our streets is one too many”, says a spokesman for the Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government. “One person dying or getting Covid in a care home is one too many”, says Nicola Sturgeon, adding that her Scottish Government was “very focused” on mitigating the risks. “One patient catching Covid in hospital is one too many”, says Chris Hopson, chief executive of NHS Providers, the umbrella group for NHS trusts south of the border.

Throughout 2020 – a year dominated by illness, economic crises and social evils – the phrase ‘one too many’ has never been far from anyone’s lips. “One inaccuracy is one too many and we must not be complacent in our efforts to make further improvements,” says Greater Manchester’s Assistant Chief Constable, Rob Potts, in response to a furore over the force cancelling crime reports. “Every case of sexual violence is one too many and universities are committed to becoming safer places to live, work and study,” says a spokeswoman for Universities UK, after a report found increasing numbers of assaults on campus.

It’s pretty clear what bureaucracies and politicians are trying to achieve by using the phrase ‘one too many’: they are ‘virtue signalling’ zero tolerance of a social ill, which they are doing their utmost to eradicate. But, sub-consciously at least, aren’t they also doing something quite different? By raising the hypothetical possibility of just one death of a rough sleeper, just one campus rape or just one Covid case caught in English hospitals, they are also highlighting the absurdity of aiming for zero.

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Amidst Coronavirus, Keir Starmer is finding his feet. Let’s just hope that second best is good enough

Nandy and Starmer

Never, since Iain Duncan Smith became Conservative leader two days after 9/11, has the election of a new Leader of the Opposition been so overshadowed by events. Coronavirus meant there was even less attention paid to Keir Starmer’s arrival than expected. The long Labour leadership contest started in early January, before Coronavirus had even been heard of. It bridged the gap not just between two leaders, but between two epochs.

As I write, both Labour’s poll ratings and Starmer’s leadership ratings are rising. The ineptitude and incompetence of the Johnson government’s response to Coronavirus becomes increasingly obvious. As it becomes embroiled in a political crisis entirely of its own making – Johnson’s refusal to sack Dominic Cummings for a flagrant breach of lockdown rules, giving a dangerous green light to the public to do the same – Starmer has shrewdly held back. Rather than issue shrill calls for resignations and enquiries, as Corbyn would have done, he has watched from a safe distance as a Tory civil war erupts over Johnson’s craven cowardice. Whether Cummings stay or goes, the government looks weaker by the day, as Starmer grows in stature.

Suddenly, Cummings’ contrarianism and wackiness are a liability for Johnson. His fixation with a “long march through the institutions”, disrupting here and creating chaos there, is precisely what post-Coronavirus Britain doesn’t need. Starmer’s forensic questioning at PMQs – confrontations delayed by Johnson’s own brush with the virus – has swiftly shown Johnson to be a bumbling lightweight, whose nonchalance about care home deaths has been brutally exposed.

Starmer’s election as Labour leader, and Angela Rayner’s election as his deputy, were never in much doubt. What then, is the point of looking at why they won, and the also-rans they defeated? But even after one of the dullest leadership contests in Labour history it’s worth embarking on an analysis of the contest and what, nearly two months on, it has to tell us about how Labour can prosper in these unprecedented times.

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If Labour is ever going to win again, its warring factions need to get out of their trenches and venture into No Man’s Land

No Man's LandAfter the dam breaks, a flood of analysis and recrimination. More than ten days on from Labour’s catastrophic defeat in the general election, the pain is still raw, and many in the party don’t seem to have realised the enormity of what has happened.

Most comment on Labour’s defeat has been of two varieties. First, there are the Corbynites who blame Brexit, and in particular the conference resolution last year which prompted the party to explicitly back a second Brexit referendum, in the teeth of Corbyn’s opposition. This alone, they argue, cost Labour so many of its leave-voting seats in the Midlands, the north of England and North Wales. Second are the ‘centrists’ who say that Labour’s support for a second referendum wasn’t the culprit at all. Instead, they argue, the defeat was down to Corbyn’s weak leadership, a far-fetched and incoherent manifesto, and an over-ambitious electoral strategy which saw resources diverted to unwinnable targets, away from seats that Labour had to defend.

Let’s start with the first group. Many pathetic excuses have been given for Labour’s dire performance. Laura Pidcock, defeated in North West Durham, argues that “Blair’s legacy still hangs around this party like a millstone, especially in the North East. I heard it time & time again”, suggesting that a Labour leader who won three elections before retiring 12 years ago is somehow to blame for Labour’s current disaster. Continue reading

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